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向贡萨罗主席学习

贡萨罗主席的演讲是全能的战斗武器，在世界面前散发光芒。在这个历史性事件的新一周年，在这个我们所生活的有着这些风暴的时代，我们，来自世界各地的马克思列宁毛主义政党和组织怀着革命乐观主义，向我们的阶级，国际无产阶级和世界人民致敬。

在有着如此多混乱时代，我们在由贡萨罗主席做的普遍有效（universally valid）的贡献的马克思列宁毛主义，主要是毛主义中，重申贡萨罗主席讲话和我们自己的全面正确（full validity），从而为保卫贡萨罗主席的生命与健康做出贡献。我们认为这是必要的，也是我们会面的责任。保卫贡萨罗主席的运动与毛主义运动密不可分，是世界无产阶级革命的一部分，是为世界无产阶级革命服务。

我们想强调，必须强调贡萨罗主席在他的演讲中清晰表达的伟大的远见卓识，在演讲中，他如此公正、正确地描述了世界无产阶级革命新的巨浪的发展。他预见到，在即将到来的数十年里，毛主义将要成为这次新的巨浪的指导；它将通过越来越多的共产主义者在越来越多的国家产生他们的共产党，越来越多地得到体现；当它在世界人民中得到体现时，它将成为物质暴力。

“最后，现在听听这个。我们正在全世界见证毛主义势不可挡地前进，来领导世界无产阶级革命的新浪潮。听好了，听懂了！那些有耳朵的，别让它们闲着。那些有理解能力的——我们每个人都有——别让它闲着！我们受够了这些废话！我们受够了这些隐语！理解这一切！今天世界上正在发生什么？我们要什么？我们要毛主义得到体现。毛主义正在得到体现，它，通过产生共产党，将要领导即将到来的世界无产阶级革命新浪潮。

他们告诉我们的一切，那句空洞而愚蠢的著名废话“和平新时代”，现在在哪里？在南斯拉夫？还是在其他什么地方？这不过是谎言，一切都变得政治化了。今天，发动第一次和第二次世界大战的反动势力正在准备一场新的第三次世界大战。我们应该知道这一点。我们还要明白，我们作为一个被压迫民族的孩子，不过是帝国主义战利品的一部分。我们不能接受这种命运！我们受够了帝国主义的剥削！我们必须结束这一切！我们来自第三世界，第三世界是世界无产阶级革命的基地。但是要具备一个条件，那就是共产党的指导和领导！这就是我们必须做的！”

——贡萨罗主席的演讲，1992年9月24日

是这样的吗？就是这样的！无论可能存在的限制如何，无论我们各自国家的革命形势发展是如何地不平等，我们看到，毛主义在拉丁美洲已经从星星之火变为燎原大火。我们看到，在唯一霸权帝国主义超级大国美国的心脏，一个年轻的卫士正在肩负着斗争的伟大责任，推进与群众的坚实团结。我们看到，旧欧洲的党和组织正在以在重建共产党中实现跃进发展，正在群众中扎下必要的深深根基。我们看到，不是最后的和最小的，而是最为重要的是秘鲁、印度、土耳其和菲律宾的人民战争——国际无产阶级和世界人民的马克思列宁毛主义的光辉火炬。毛主义是世界无产阶级革命新的巨浪的指导，而且越来越如此。我们看到，剥削和压迫产生抵抗的规律，看到越来越多地将帝国主义与反动派从地球上扫除出去的必要性。

只要我们不闭上我们的眼睛，我们就能看到这一切。只要我们不捂住耳朵，我们就能听到来自世界数十亿人民的齐声呐喊：“造反有理！”，他们不想再像以前那样生活。

在西亚（大中东）和非洲，我们听到正在发生的民族解放斗争的战斗呐喊。我们在拉丁美洲人民的爆发中看到了它。我们在反对中国社会帝国主义和俄罗斯帝国主义中听到了它。我们在美帝国主义心脏发生的斗争和示威中听到了它。我们在不断扩大的欧洲各国青年的斗争中一次次地听到了它。我们在欧洲各国的工人运动、罢工和群众的大规模抗议中一次次地听到了它。

在印度，群众的苦难和压迫已经到了无法忍受的地步。印度共产党（毛主义）已经通过战无不胜的人民战争的方式，坚决地发展新民主主义革命，扫除旧的反动国家、帝国主义、官僚资本主义和半封建主义。在拉丁美洲，危机产生了新的群众抗议浪潮，这使真正的马克思列宁毛主义革命者在建立/重建军事化共产党中取得了进步，为新的强大跃进做准备。

我们进入了一个新的革命时期！一个由秘鲁人民战争开启的世界无产阶级战略进攻中的新时期。我们认为，国际阶级斗争进入这样一个新形势对世界革命是有利的，之所以产生新形势的这种特征，是因为它只是创造了与推进共产党的重建任务相对应的客观形势的发展，这一任务必定在新的人民战争的发动和世界无产阶级革命新的巨浪的胜利发展中完成。

面前的任务是团结两大力量：在全世界发生的国际无产阶级运动和在被压迫国家中发生的民族解放运动，发动一场强大的风暴，这场风暴将在世界人民战争中结束，并埋葬帝国主义。这样做时，要始终避免与一个或另一个帝国主义力量融合的危险。因此，有必要坚定不移、毫不妥协地与帝国主义、世界反动派和修正主义作斗争。

不可否认，这个体系正在走向崩溃。帝国主义的腐烂每天都在发生。全世界的帝国主义正处在它的总危机中。在被压迫国家，它的腐朽更为严重。在那里，半殖民主义、官僚资本主义和半封建主义正承受着越来越大的压力，越来越无法为帝国主义世界体系提供必要的支持。

帝国主义正寻找摆脱他们的状况的途径。在绝望的痛苦（总的来说，是更多的冲突和勾结）中，他们正在挣扎。他们正利用新冠大流行，通过经济措施和世界范围的紧急状态（不分先后）来应对正在到来的巨大经济危机和群众爆发，创造了真实的战争状态。尽管不同国家的反动派通过“公司援助”和“医疗保健协议”在行政中产生了更强大的绝对权力集权，但由于该系统本身的影响、过去几十年的私有化政策及其自己的“卫生议定书”，大流行特别严重地打击了数百万个最底层和最广大群众的健康和生命。因此，帝国主义的种族灭绝特点变得越来越清晰：它的不可想象的恶意和做任何事的意愿。然而，与此同时，帝国主义正面临着巨大的危机，比2008年的大萧条更为严重。甚至反动国家越来越反动化和军事化。更多的暴力，更多的恐怖，更多的对人民在激烈的斗争中已经取得的自由、权利、利益和战利品的剥夺。更多的反动国家权力的集中化，用此来反对革命。这是帝国主义腐烂过程中发展的政治和经济关系。世界革命的风暴中心是被压迫民族，我们必须牢记这一点，他们正更自觉地担负他们的责任。群众的力量将决定革命，这一力量蕴含在被压迫民族，与作为主要倾向的革命和主要矛盾相对应。

唯一霸权超级大国的美帝国主义尤其被总危机和当前的生产过剩危机所严重打击。就像所有地方的矛盾一样，这里的矛盾日益激化，群众-帝国主义的矛盾表现为群众-政府的矛盾。因此，即将到来的选举对美帝国主义至关重要。他们需要一个新政府，一个有着比之前更高的投票率的（明显的）“合法性”政府。在这一背景下，强调唐纳德·特朗普是令人恶心的反动派是重要的，但他并不是白痴。我们不要忘记特朗普政府内部存在的连续性，例如财政部长姆努钦。这是政治证据，表明特朗普不是疯子，而是美国金融资本一派的代表。他现在在玩火，他这样做是为了赢得选举。这是他动员人民参加选举的方式。他的对手拜登没什么不同，得到了像鲍勃·阿瓦基安和其他的所有形式的修正主义者和机会主义者的直接支持，但他试图将其他童话贩卖给群众。对于美国的无产阶级和人民，特别是黑人、妇女和移民来说，这只是再次选择在接下来的几年中践踏他们的人。

在白俄罗斯，我们看到群众正在造法西斯政府的反——没有正确领导的群众的正义造反被利用来强加反动目标——反对经济、政治和军事依赖，主要是反对俄罗斯的统治。白俄罗斯是俄罗斯帝国主义的半殖民地，对它必不可少。所以，显然，俄罗斯帝国主义在东欧是孤立的：继格鲁吉亚、摩尔多瓦和乌克兰后，现在是白俄罗斯，它在它的区域背景下的霸权作用的合法性遭到了破坏。前苏联通过修正主义破产而解体的过程还远远没有结束。除此之外，他们自己的内政困难：他们在西伯利亚和其他地区的抗议运动，即将举行的地区选举以及干预克里米亚和顿巴斯局势的无穷代价。美帝国主义领导的北约联盟正在追求包围俄罗斯的长期战略。俄罗斯帝国主义对其内线冲突地区的任何操纵都是对这一战略的反制措施。这很重要。俄罗斯帝国主义不会放弃白俄罗斯，除非遭到威胁到它的存在的战略失败。相应的，除了战争，这个问题没有其他的解决方案。在当前运动中，美国，还有联邦德国以及北约的其他成员没有兴趣与俄罗斯帝国主义进行战争。我们认为：任何关于保卫“民主和人权”的哗众取宠除了带来美、德、法帝国主义战术位置的相应发展，什么也带不来。这就是为什么美国部队换防到波兰也是长期计划中的演习，而不是立即引发战争的战术演习。在大中东，在美帝国主义在叙利亚失败后，他们通过当地走狗的支持保持着在军事战略上对有关的产油区的控制，避免和俄罗斯帝国主义部队的直接冲突。他们遵循“让本地人打败本地人”的政策，回到了旧的帝国主义政策。同时，他们又在伊朗包围圈中前进，企图发动针对伊朗的战争——当地走狗（“逊尼派”）反对伊朗的“什叶派”和它在叙利亚等地区的盟友等。

在欧盟内部，联邦德国继续发展为一个帝国主义领导大国。它在经济上占主导地位，因此在西欧阶级斗争的发展中具有一定的影响力。对于处理当前的生产过剩危机尤其如此，德国帝国主义以牺牲其竞争对手和被并入欧盟的被压迫民族为代价，正准备进一步发展其领导作用。

在中国海，美帝国主义正实施压制中国社会帝国主义成为区域霸权大国的要求。他们故意尝试破坏中国的核报复能力。与他们在这一地区的盟友一道，他们已经在中国周边的军事基地驻扎了大量的核海军、潜艇和空军。在2019年《反导条约》失败后，美国一直在寻求在亚太地区部署常规陆基短程和中程导弹，以对抗中国所谓的反介入、拒止能力。如果进行这样的部署，将使中国对其核力量生存产生担忧，因为在中国附近部署的此类美国导弹将增强美国对包括移动武器在内的中国核力量进行常规打击的能力。这是特朗普呼吁俄罗斯帝国主义、中国社会帝国主义和其他核大国达成新协议“限制核武器和弹道导弹”的条件。他正试图在谈判桌上强加他们在不同情况下已经实现的方案。

需要清除说明的一件事是：国际形势非常好！需要做的是政治领导，即在阶级斗争中应用国际无产阶级的思想体系：由贡萨罗主席做出普遍有效贡献的马克思列宁毛主义，主要是毛主义。现实要求为新问题提供答案的创造应用。这也意味着同志们必须更多地思考才能回答这些问题。它需要在许多方面保持灵活性，同时在原则上要坚定不移。

天下大乱。形势大好！因为只有从大乱才能达到新的大治，必将如此。

贡萨罗主席演讲28周年万岁！

团结在毛主义之下！

向贡萨罗主席学习！

2020年9月24日

秘鲁共产党

重建墨西哥共产党革命核心

奥地利（毛主义）共产党建设委员会

巴西共产党（红色派）

智利共产党红色派

厄瓜多尔共产党-红太阳

芬兰毛主义委员会

挪威为人民服务-共产主义联盟

美国共产党重建委员会

红旗委员会——联邦德国

Peru People‘s Movement: The problem of masses, the struggle for daily demands and People's War

By way of introduction:

Think about these questions to read the document

The question is how it is conceived and how it is handled.

The question is that we must see according to the conditions and the necessity (...); if the Party does not begin to see and to demonstrate through deeds that it serves the masses and that it can lead in its struggles, how will they trust that we will emancipate the people?

The problem is whether what is done in fact serves the principles and the war, if not, then we correct and rethink it

Why do we go to the shanty towns (to the masses)? We gain the contingent for the war and the mass tells us, what do I do now? if we say I am not in charge of that, the mass will tell us, how is this comrade! Why did you come! We have to worry about all these things and have to understand how we can resolve them and how to resolve definitely, that is, the problem is to break the vicious cycle.

The problem of the masses, the struggle for daily demands and the People's War

This relationship has to do with the united front to conquer power. What does the communiqué for the masses of the shanty towns state to us? Wage and salary increases, that's good. Do we have to fight for that? Of course, how can we not fight for that! Discussing that we have to fight for salaries doesn't make sense, however, how would we do guerrilla war on the union level, how would we prepare the class for the conquest of power? How would we make new unions, creating class union or readjusting others?

Here the problem of the People's Cantines and Glass of Milk, food subsidies is posed to us. Are we fighting for subsidies? Of course we are fighting for subsidies! If we in the New State put subsidies in place because we want food products to be cheap and same price everywhere, how can that be bad, the matter is that we with the New State will be able to implement it, but for now, while and where we still do not have the New Power, we fight for that and as far as possible we uproot it. The question of the People's Canteens and the Glass of Milk are apparatuses that we have not created, but they exist, the government is disregarding them, revisionism can no longer ride on the backs the masses as before, and society is plunged, without exaggeration, into a crisis that is worse than that of the famous great crisis of the 1930s, in the world, so for the masses today it is a much more pressing need than yesterday and that is why they are demanding it, even more so they are demanding the Party to lead them to obtain even what little they had yesterday, besides they know that we are not leading them to vote for "a" or "b" but to take in their hands what belongs to them, which means to uproot it with struggle and with People's War, they demand it, then, because it is a benefit for their scarce alimentation, a glass of milk serves the children, if not, why do the masses organize to obtain and prepare it? Why do they make People's Canteens? Because they need them, additionally it is a development from the "common pot" that the proletariat has always organized in its strikes. So it makes sense, that's why they are putting forward these demands to us. We insist on the fact that the question is to link the struggle for the daily demands to the functions of power, and on the other hand that these organisms have been created by this or that revisionist or reactionary apparatus, first that is false and second that they have been mounted on the needs of the masses to traffic with their interests and to ride on their backs, to use them in their electoral pursuits, in their parliamentary cretinism and above all to contain their explosiveness and to sustain the order, not to educate the masses to destroy the order and to conquer the power that belongs to them through war.

It says: Health Center, is it something they feel? of course they feel it; ... there are problems of water, drainage, electrification, reduction of the contingency fund, they are problems derived from the needs of the neighborhoods and the shanty towns, they raise therefore what they need: execution of works of electrification, reservoirs, that Sedapal (the water company for Lima) complies, Should one ask Sedapal to comply? How can one not ask? I will not pay the contribution of the fund for extensions to facilities, etc., here we see specific claims of the shanty towns;

It goes on: "Free water", this seems to us like a good campaign, that's what we have raised: to demand free water, to demand that the militias bring water, instead of repressing, that they invest their effort and money, to wear them out more, but the water is distributed by us, the masses themselves because it is part of their rights, not a gift, that's why they pay so many taxes to the State and the Municipality, so the municipality, what the hell is it for? At the same time unmasking that what the cachacos (the reactionary army) are doing today is nothing but the so-called "civic action" that has a counter-revolutionary character, part of the so-called Yankee low-intensity strategy, which is eminently a military, repressive action, aimed at forming informants, agents of "a sol" (the monetary unit of the country at that time, our note), which aims to annihilate leaders, cadres, militants, combatants or supporters in order to separate the guerrilla from the masses, to annihilate the People's War; not to accept anything in return; that their action is reduced to handing over food to the mass organizations, is an occasion to create new organisms, the Committees of Leaders, Committees of Struggle or Committees of Distribution, that they distribute it, that the organized masses should do it, we educate the masses in the tactics, aiming at the poorest, those who need it most, conjuring up benefits for a few or their agents. This is not in opposition to the actions of assaults on food wagons, whether they are from major traders nor to our ambushing the military distribution trucks.

These are necessities of the masses, if not, why are they being raised by the masses? "Public cleaning" how can this be wrong? it's good, because of the garbage accumulated in the streets many children and old people get sick, cholera is produced, etc.; "against the oppressive municipal taxes," to the Cisa (a municipal gabelle, our note) the so-called informals, the street vendors pay more money than all the businessmen or traders, that is raised by the deputy for Liberty (the front of the compradors led by the hack writer Vargas Llosa) who worked at the ILD, Ghersi, in the magazine Caretas, it is an exorbitant tax, we are against these taxes.

"No to the privatization of education", no way around it, we are for free education and how can we allow the cuts if it is part of the plan of their so-called neoliberalism, to make education more elitist, that fewer children of the people are educated and they are so blind that they do not even see what their own masters are demanding of them, that for their capitalist restructuring they require qualified labor, future scientists, managers of their economy, specialists, if not what modernization of their State are they talking about? they want to end free education and exempt themselves from another function by placing it on the shoulders of the already agonized and hungry father of the family within the people.

There they are putting forward the necessities of the masses and necessities derived from a sharpened crisis and the hardest one in our history, how could we only put forward the conquest of power through the People's War without linking that political struggle to the struggle for their daily demands? We well know that the struggle for daily demands is one side of the coin and the other side is the war, isn't that what we said when we initiated the armed struggle? They can not be unlinked, doing so is opportunism. If the mass is not moved in search of benefits, how is it going to struggle? Doesn't Chairman Mao Tsetung say: "be concerned with water and salt", that's how he has taught us, that's good and it's good that it's raised in these documents.

Now, this leads to a problem: how are these things accomplished?

The central question is this: only we, the New Power, can guarantee, no one else can guarantee, only we with New Power and with the Army aiming at satisfying those needs by moving the masses, that is essentially our means, there is no other way to do it, it is the only guarantee, hence the need to fight for the establishment of the People's Republic of Peru, that this is so proved by the People's Committees in the countryside and the People's Struggle Committees in the cities, with all the complexity that this implies in a city, conscious that we have to learn every time to manage it better, but here it is being shown how the people find direct benefits, satisfaction of their elemental needs even if in small quantities, but they find even a crumb, torn from its garden by their effort, or find even a roof to shelter themselves and support, cover, protect the Party and serve the People's War, there is a small display and as power develops more rights will be guaranteed more, insisting more, only the New Power guarantees them. But in the face of the struggles for daily demands that we are seeing, fighting for salaries I think it is obvious, nobody is going to argue about it; then the debatable problem would be "People's Cantines", we were already talking about that because of these problems of the crisis the reactionaries themselves say that every economic readjustment plan they make against their inflation, is accompanied by a compensatory plan to avoid explosiveness, that's how it is, why do they want to avoid it? because we use explosiveness. The concrete fact is that there is this objective reality, it is a necessity, so our problem is that just as reaction wants to utilize it and utilizes it, we have to utilize it to develop the struggle of the class and the people, because if we don't do that, then we either let reaction continue to exploit and oppress them, or we let opportunism or revisionism traffic with them, so that the growing explosiveness and the minimum, basic needs of the masses are totally utilized by reaction for its own evil purposes of counter-subversive war; we cannot do that, we have to wage our struggle in all kinds of organisms, in yellow organisms, in gray organisms. So if we go in there, for what are we going to fight? Do we tell them these things are useless, the present State cannot fulfill them, for the sake of fighting? Absurd! They would tell me then, why did you come to lead me? That's why one has to ask like this: look, when we are in power there these rights will be guaranteed, for now we fight to uproot them in a hard fight until we break the vicious cycle and this fight is not in vain but rather it forges and prepares you for the new contentions, that's what we tell them, but insist that the guarantee of that is the New Power.

Then, in spite of all that we fight for, nothing is seized, or they want to control but because the proletariat refuses the control, it doesn't want to be tied down, but rather that they fulfill their obligation to contribute to their alimentary needs, of the children or pregnant women or to the people's canteen, Here I explain why they do not give him what he conquers or why they give him less and less despite so much struggle, because the old society in order to subsist reduces the capacity to work, from 100 to 20 it gives them that capacity, they relegate 80 in order to subsist. Doesn't the report by Hurtado Miller say that? That means that out of every 100 only 20 are given adequate work and 80 are condemned either not to work, to complete unemployment or to under-employment, that's the obsolete society, therefore I have the right to demand that they don't control me because of that; What I fight for is nothing but the compensation that even its own laws establish because I have nothing but labor power and I have to maintain it because they are destroying the people themselves, the creative power, the most revolutionary class because it is the productive class; the people themselves are the one that do everything, it is making the very capital of society, because those are its laws and I cannot allow it, because its plan is to physically destroy the class.

Since the reconstitution, before the beginning of the armed struggle, haven't we fought for the cost of living and didn't we raise its relation to the physical and moral destruction of the class? Didn't we expose how this system engenders abandonment of children, prostitution, delinquency? And today all that is worse, the class can't conquer and lose at the minute what it has conquered, so how are we going to teach, then? We have to see for unemployment, for wages, for the cost of living, for children, for women, for the weak part of the class, there the reactionary class that does not even look for its children, even less for those of the people, to see for the needs of a roof to live under, especially in the cities to impulse the invasions, etc.; all this is in the document of the Preparatory Session of the II Plenum when it deals with the masses, it was established there.

So, first I combat, I struggle, I use all the forms of struggle I know; secondly, but in spite of everything I do not impose, but, because of this I do not stop fighting; thirdly, but to fight I have to have a crumb in my mouth at least, why would it be bad for us to organize food production? It's easier for the masses of people to have 10 kitchens than to have 100 kitchens--you can even save up, and you can better organize to bring something to them, or to make something out of their very limited, very difficult lives; fourth, but the question is to organize and to do this on the margins of the state and against this state, to serve the revolution, to organize ourselves with class independence for the class interests of the proletariat and the people for the revolution; fifth, but as soon as we develop this, the reaction will not like it and will combat us, as soon as we develop this in a campaign against them, the repressive forces will be sent, of course because we will be undermining them more, there the question is in resisting and learning how to handle this, but if the masses see that under this struggle and this organization they satisfy some of what they need, they will have more and more just reason to combat to uproot or defend what has been conquered; sixth, it would be erroneous for us not to do that independently, not to link it to preparing the big contentions, if we didn't understand it as developing the struggle in terms of People's War to seize power, if we didn't understand with class independence, if we understood it simply so that the Old State would not have problems; Seventh, only with the New State, the People's Republic of Peru, are these rights and needs guaranteed, in the meantime it is a contention, a class struggle taking up the struggle for daily demands to promote the People's War, in the service of the People's War, fighting the Old State, struggling to wrest from it what it owes us, what it squeezes and sucks out of us like a lemon, and developing independently, with class independence, in the perspective of the revolution; otherwise it would be leaving everything in the hands of opportunists, revisionists and the government to tie them up or continue to annihilate them and undermine them physically and morally.

Synthesis:

The problem is how it is conceived, how it is organized, and what its goal is; again, it is an objective reality that each part, revolution and counter-revolution, is striving to lead the masses in towards their course. Doesn't the Strategic Equilibrium document, when it deals with Chairman Mao's article on democracy and war, say that? Doesn't it say there that the masses are increasingly the arena of contention and now in war with both armed sides, the question is armed contention? And isn't the contention in the mind, in the very needs of the people? The error would be in not making it clear that the solution lies in the People's Republic of Peru, that we do not link it to the People's War and that we do not develop the independent action of the people; That we did not fight the Old State and its governments, revisionism and opportunism, here would be the bad things, and that we wanted to consent that tomorrow we solve the situation of the general crisis of the Peruvian society with those crumbs or that we are going to destroy the three mountains simply with elemental questions, these forms of struggle must be to gather energies and to forge us spiritually and in the class struggle for the fight for power, thus the problem is in how it is conceived and how it is managed.

Another question is that our energies should not be unleashed and focused as the principal thing on this, because between the struggle for daily demands and People's War, the People's War is principal, the struggle for daily demands is means, an instrument for it, which means that if I am contending and fighting for daily demands at a moment's notice that's precisely where I support with People's War, which is what gives strength to the confrontations. But since there are new tasks and new forces are presented to me, we will draw from these new forces the elements that can fulfill these new tasks, so that we will have more contingents that will be forged for higher tasks and we ourselves will lead both, without in any way subtracting but increasing the principalities. That there is a possible deviation of right and left, in everything this is given, we have not seen the limitations? in everything this is given. The point is that we must see according to the conditions and the necessity of polarization; if the Party does not begin to see and to demonstrate through deeds that it serves the masses and that it can lead in its struggles, how will they trust that we will emancipate the people? In this way we can deal with these questions. At least in this way we can analyze, seeing the practice, we must investigate reality, see what problems there are and where it clashes, get orientations, directives, policies and then that the practice proves and guards the purity of the line, we must never unravel and always link ourselves to the war, and if we are wrong? We have already seen, only those who do nothing are not wrong, but they already made the mistake of doing nothing, sometimes one says "but we have never done this before" oh wow! We have never done the People's War before, only since 1980 we have done it, so that's not a problem, "I have never done" is not a problem, he problem is whether what is done in fact serves the principle and the war, if not, then we correct and rethink it, if there is a strong contention, then it is applied as a pilot plan even if it is, there are many ways to do things, the problem is not to tie your hands and to think about what Lenin says: "New tasks with new forces" because they are revolutionary, why are they asking us this? Why do we go to the shanty towns? We gain contingent for the war and the mass tell us, what do I do now? if we say I am not in charge of that, the mass will tell us, how is this comrade! Why did you come! We have to worry about all these things and make understood that we can resolve and how to resolve ultimately, that is, the problem is to break the vicious cycle.

FROM THE DOCUMENT OF THE THIRD PLENUM MEETING WITH THE COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLES HELP PERU (CSP)

In the following, we present a brief summary of dozens of actions, reports, images and videos taken from nearly all continents. The attempt was made to give a comprehensive overview, although there are certainly shortcomings. We express our salutations to all actions developed in service of the Proletarian World Revolution by our comrades throughout the world in their magnificent efforts for this 1st of May.

Beginning on the 23rd of May the elections of the European Union are going to take place, lasting until the 26th. Preparing for a couple of months, the propaganda of the bourgeois parties is now fully on the way, with their poster, slogans and campaigns about the greatness (or not-so greatness) of the EU. However, an eye catching similarity in between the countries of the EU is not only the common propaganda for the EU Elections, but also the deep rejection of the masses, who - venting their anger - commence everywhere to destroy and trash electoral materials in great numbers. Revolutionaries in different countries – such as Sweden for example - have already started to develop their own boycott campaigns against the EU. Now a joint declaration of several Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations follows suit, kicking off a joint campaign to boycott the elections with common posters, slogans, declarations, etc.

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

Dare to struggle, dare to win!

On this First of May the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations from allover the world salute our class, the international proletariat and the oppressed Peoples and Nations, who in the midst of growing poverty, hunger, imperialist terror and aggression, struggle against imperialism, world reaction and revisionism. We once more reaffirm our pledge to never rest as long as exploitation exists on earth and to raise to ever higher peaks our red banners with the hammer and sickle until humankind has entered Communism.

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!

¡En defensa de la vida del Presidente Gonzalo enarbolar más alto la bandera del Maoísmo!

Finalmente ahora escuchemos esto, como vemos en el mundo, el maoísmo marcha inconteniblemente a comandar la nueva ola de la revolución proletaria mundial ¡entiéndase bien y compréndase! los que tienen oídos, úsenlos, los que tienen entendimiento y todos los tenemos manéjenlos ¡basta de necedades basta de oscuridades! ¡entendamos eso! ¿qué se desenvuelve en el mundo? ¿qué necesitamos? necesitamos que el maoísmo sea encarnado y lo está haciendo y que pase generando Partidos Comunistas, a manejar, a dirigir, esa nueva gran ola de la revolución proletaria mundial que se nos viene. (Discurso Presidente Gonzalo, set.1992)

Los Partidos y Organizaciones marxistas-leninstas-maoístas firmantes nos reafirmamos, en esta solemne celebración de los 26 años del histórico y transcendental discurso del Presidente Gonzalo, en su plena vigencia y muy especialmente en defender la vida de ese titán del pensamiento y la acción, Jefe del Partido Comunista del Perú y de la revolución peruana; quien ha definido el maoísmo, como nueva, tercera y superior etapa del marxismo y quien estableció, que ser marxista hoy es ser marxista-leninista-maoísta, principalmente maoísta. Entendemos que la defensa del Presidente Gonzalo, implica luchar de la forma más consecuente por poner el maoísmo como único mando y guía de la nueva gran ola de la revolución proletaria mundial, que ya se está desarrollando. Entendemos que esa lucha es parte de la tarea para reunificar a los comunistas del mundo, que implica poner en primer lugar los principios del marxismo, los intereses de clase del proletariado internacional, la lucha de liberación de los pueblos y naciones oprimidos, en fin la lucha por el Comunismo.  

La campaña de celebración del 200° aniversario del natalicio del Gran Carlos Marx – a la cual procedió las celebraciones del 50° aniversario de la Gran Revolución Cultural Proletaria y del 100° aniversario de la Revolución de Octubre - ha marcado un salto en la lucha por unir a las comunistas en el mundo. Es una campaña, impulsada principalmente por los Partidos y Organizaciones Marxista-Leninista-Maoístas de América Latina, viene demostrando una más elevada unidad ideológica, política y organizativa de parte significativa del Movimiento Comunista Internacional (MCI) y, en su desenvolvimiento va aunando fuerzas nuevas.  Desde la campaña de celebración del 100° aniversario del natalicio del Presidente Mao Tsetung,  no ha habido una campaña similar en el MCI. Para que nadie se confunda: las campañas de apoyo a las guerras populares, obviamente, no han sido del mismo carácter, esta es un campaña de Partidos y Organizaciones con explicito carácter comunista - este hecho llama a una seria reflexión, porque es expresión, de cómo en la práctica, la lucha por la unidad se desenvuelve poniendo como punto de partida el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente el maoísmo, la lucha contra el revisionismo y el servir a la revolución mundial, en resumen, como se va plasmando la consigna ¡Unirse bajo el maoísmo!

También es importante resaltar, para todos los que quieren ver, que en los últimos años se ha dado un impulso importante en el MCI. En varios países donde las fuerzas comunistas estaban en un estado muy poco desarrollado, han resurgido Partidos y Organizaciones que enarbolan el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo y bregan por reconstituir sus partidos comunistas destruídos por el revisionismo. La mayoría de estas fuerzas toman una clara posición por la definición del maoísmo hecha por el Presidente Gonzalo. Eso lleva a que algunos, ajenos de todo criterio marxista, los calificen como “gonzalistas” e imputen a la izquierda de “sectarios y dogmáticos”. Aparte de lo obvio – que el oportunismo y el revisionismo siempre han tildado a los marxistas así -  revela que no han entendido que estamos en el período de lucha por imponer  el maoísmo como único mando y guía de la revolución proletaria mundial y que al asumir el maoísmo como tercera etapa del desarrollo de la ideología del proletariado internacional, muchos partidos y organizaciones, en esencia, lo vieron solamente como cambiar una formulación, que hablar de maoísmo era un forma “más moderna” de hablar sobre el pensamiento Mao Tsetung.

Entonces, el problema en el MCI no radica, principalmente, en que el maoísmo no esté reconocido formalmente, sino en cómo lo entienden algunos, por eso la importancia de partir de quien definió el maoísmo como la nueva, tercera y superior etapa de nuestra ideología; porque solo partiendo de lo establecido cientificamente por el Presidente Gonzalo es que podemos entender el maoísmo como una unidad, como un sistema armónico. Sí no se parte de lo establecido por el Presidente Gonzalo se cae en eclecticismo, contraponiendo citas, pero no entendiendo las ideás. Si entendemos esto, podemos entender la razón por la cual, no son pocos los Partidos y organizaciones que llevando tiempo más prolongado se han quedado estancados y no dan saltos en su procesos, mientras los que más se afincan en aprender del Presidente Gonzalo, en general, van avanzando, principalmente en términos cualitativos, pero también en términos cuantitativos.  Los que se apuran de poner etiquetas les aconsejamos que abran sus ojos al verdad material en vez de dejarse exaltar por su imaginaciones.

Si vemos el estado real de la lucha por la reunificación de los comunistas en el mundo podemos constatar que en muchos aspectos estamos mucho mejor que lo que estuvimos en los mejores momentos del Movimiento Revolucionario Internacionalista (MRI), que si bien el MRI correctamente fue caracterizado por el Presidente Gonzalo como un “paso adelante”, él también señaló, con la precisión que le es propia, que “mientra se siga una linea ideológica-política justa y correcta”; será un paso adelante, y así el MRI sirvió a unir a los comunistas en base a la linea roja, y ésta no podía ser otra que la del Presidente Gonzalo. Es decir, lo principal de la evaluación del MRI es constatar que, sirvió a la revolución proletaria mundial - y en particular a la tarea de bregar por la reunificación de los comunistas, mientras sirvió a la lucha de poner el maoísmo como su único mando y guía; es decir, a  la lucha dirigida por el Presidente Gonzalo, y dejó de jugar un papel positivo, cuando los revisionistas del “PCR” de los Estados Unidos, aprovechando la situación problemática de la izquierda por el recodo en la guerra popular en el Perú, pasó a hegemonizarlo totalmente. Nunca debemos olvidar que la unidad es para servir a la revolución y solamente se la sirve cuando el interés del proletariado se impone. La unidad de los comunistas, hoy en el mundo,  solamente se puede dar en base al marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente el maoísmo, de lo contrario no es unidad de comunistas, sino un especie de “frente” con el revisionismo y el oportunismo.               

El MRI fue liquidado por el manejo que hizo de la lucha de dos lineas el revisionismo. La maniobra de Avakian fue plantear como punto de partida su “critica” a la segunda línea oportunista de derecha, revisionista y capitulacionista en Perú, que, supuestamente, “no importa el autor sino la linea”, lo cual precisamente llevó a centrar el debate en torno quien era “el autor”. ¿O este miserable no sabía que los comunistas del mundo iban a saltar cuando se ponía en cuestión a la Jefatura? Así se desenrrumbó la lucha de dos lineas. El problema para la izquierda en el MCI, fue la situación difícil y compleja en la cual entró el PCP después de la detención del Presidente Gonzalo.

 Pese a todo, el PCP siguió cumpliendo su papel como la Fracción Roja del MCI y la guerra popular sigue siendo faro y guía de la RPM. Porque la vida del partido no puede ser cesada jamás y la guerra popular no se ha detenido ni un sólo instante. Pero, situaciones como la falta del Jefe causan problemas en la izquierda.   La derecha pudo así ir planteando sus posiciones (los ataques contra la dictadura del proletariado, la “justeza de las negaciones de paz como táctica”, la negación de la semifeudalidad y la evolución del capitalismo burocrático, la negación del las tres características del imperialismo, etc.) y todo eso pasó a segundo plano porque la atención se centró en “debatir” las maniobras de la guerra psicológica del imperialismo y la actuación siniestra de traidores. Alrededor del cambio de siglo la lucha se agudizó.  Así, la izquierda entró en problemas y, en gran parte, cayó en la trampa de Avakian, la iniciativa quedó en manos de la derecha y esta podía llevar la lucha de dos lineas a explotar y así el revisionismo liquidó el MRI.

Nadie puede culpar a los marxistas por los crímenes del revisionismo, pero sí es necesario este balance autocrítico de la izquierda, a cuya dirección le faltó la madurez y previsión necesarias para conjurar las intrigas del revisionismo, problema que se agravó al extremo por la infiltración y usurpación de aparatos enteros por parte de los servicios secretos y policiales de la reacción.   
 
Prachanda, por su parte, ya renegó hasta formalmente del marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo uniéndose con los revisionistas del UML, comprobando una vez más que nunca fue maoísta, que nunca fue el “gran dirigente” que tanto reclamaron quienes queríen negar lo planteado por el Presidente Gonzalo y el PCP, desnudándose ante el mundo como él más miserable arribista, traficante e intrigante que se ha presentado en los últimos décadas en el MCI – ya no se puede calificar este miserable como traidor porque ha demostrado que en toda su vida nunca fue comunista, sino lo único que le ha interesado ha sido su poder personal y por esto no tienen ningún miramiento en llamar “camaradas” a los verdugos de la revolución nepalí como son las ratas de UML.

Ya han pasado años desde que el galán Avakian se catapultó a sí mismo fuera de las filas del MCI.  Su “nueva síntesis” es una ruptura con el marxismo, es un deslinde absoluto con la ideología del proletariado internacional, es una negación abierta y descarada del marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo. Avakian, como Alejandro, se proclamó dios, la diferencia es que el segundo lo hacía para mantener su imperio y para controlar sus nuevas fuerzas, mientras el primero lo hizo para mantener su pequeña corte degenerada y poder seguir vegetando en el lodo.

Si bien, las posiciones revisionistas de ambos, principalmente de Avakian por haber sido la cabeza de la derecha, siguen repercutiendo, y la lucha contra aquellas por lo tanto no puede ser declarada por terminada, está el hecho que ambos huyeron de la lucha interna en el MCI y por eso tampoco pueden ser tomados como el centro en la lucha de dos lineas. Plantear que el centro de la lucha es criticar a estos dos miserables es plantear la conciliación con el revisionismo y es dar campo libre a la derecha.

El problema principal no está en los que se han quedado fuera, los renegados, sino en los que forman parte del MCI. Sí hay que desmontar y aplastar su nefasta linea, pero eso para unirnos más sobre el base del marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente el maoísmo, con los aportes de validez universal del presidente gonzalo y eso implica debatir los puntos centrales y, en particular, lograr una compresión generalizada del maoísmo como unidad.  
    
Hay quienes hasta ahora insisten en divulgar la patraña contrarrevolucionaria (que el Presidente Gonzalo sería la cabeza de la linea oportunista de derecha revisionista y capitulacionista). Argumentan con lo planteado por los traidores (“él me dijo” o “él me abrazó” y otros chismes) y con el manejo del imperialismo y la reacción de la guerra psicológica (“juicios” y videos “filtrados”). Supuestamente habría que tomar muy en serio cualquier cosa que venga de quien sea que quiere tirar lodo al Presidente Gonzalo, “analizar” y rompernos la cabeza para entrar en una discusión “si es él o no es él”. Están mal, porque no entienden que “el debate” ya se cerró, las comunistas ya tomaron posición y la cuestión esta definida: ha quedado demostrado que en ningún momento el Presidente Gonzalo ha negado la Base de Unidad Partidaria del PCP, es el jefe del Partido y la revolución, el más grande marxista-leninista-maoísta viviente sobre la faz de la tierra, sigue luchando transformando el campo de concentración de la Base Naval de Callao en la más alta luminosa trinchera de la guerra popular. Lo que corresponde es defender su vida con guerra popular. Son ya 26 años en los cuales el Presidente Gonzalo no ha podido comunicarse directamente con el Partido o el MCI, son 26 años de aislamiento absoluto, eso es lo concreto. Que el imperialismo, la reacción y el revisionismo van a seguir urdiendo intrigas está claro, lo otro sería que cambiarán su naturaleza (tesis de los seguidores del sagrado Avakian, que es un imposible), pero no podemos permitir que esas intrigas detengan el avance de los comunistas.

Qué quede claro: que los comunistas nos reafirmamos en el principio de la critica y autocrítica y la seriedad de un Partido, como nos enseño Lenin, se mide por su capacidad de asumir la autocrítica. Por eso no cerramos la puerta a nadie, aparte de los que han manchado sus manos con el sangre de la masas. Así, si los que han cometido faltas y errores graves quieren realmente corregirse son muy bienvenidos; para eso tienen que demostrar su condición de comunistas y cerrar filas con la izquierda, que entiendan que para ser jefe hay que mover a más que sus “cercanos y queridos”, que un jefe proletario no es un ridículo mandamás sino quien sabe dirigir la transformación del mundo.         

En ocasión de celebrar un nuevo aniversario del Discurso del Presidente Gonzalo, nos toca muy particularmente saludar a los camaradas del Partido Comunista del Perú, quienes con firmes pasos avanzan en la reorganización general del Partido y ya ven cercano el día su culminación; proceso que se da en medio de la guerra popular, como prueba, una vez más, las recientes acciones contundentes del Ejercito Popular de Liberación, manteniendo los Comités Populares y Bases de Apoyo. Los comunistas del mundo reconocemos el papel extraordinario del PCP y nadie puede dudar que la culminación de la reorganización de este Partido significara un impulso clave para la revolución proletaria mundial y será un pieza decisiva en la lucha por la reunificación del MCI.    

Debemos entender que se cumple los que dijo el Presidente Gonzalo el 24 de septiembre 1992, el maoísmo esta encárnandose en los pueblos del mundo, esta generando Partidos Comunistas marxistas-leninistas-maoístas, pasa a dirigir la nueva gran ola de la revolución proletaria mundial. Lo que toca es luchar para que se encarne más, que avancen las guerras populares en marcha, que la guerra popular sea iniciada lo más pronto posible en cada país donde existen Partidos Comunistas, que se impulse aún más la lucha por la reconstitución de los Partidos en los países donde no los hay, para que sean partidos que inicien guerra popular. Entendiendo el maoísmo como unidad, marcharemos con cada vez más claridad y firmeza hacía la reunificación de los comunistas a nivel mundial, aplastando al imperialismo, la reacción y el revisionismo, aprendiendo del Presidente Gonzalo.    

¡Viva el Presidente Gonzalo!
¡Unirse bajo el Maoísmo!
¡La Guerra Popular vencerá inevitablemente!

Firmas:

Partido Comunista de Ecuador - Sol Rojo

Partido Comunista del Brasil (Fracción Roja)

Movimiento Popular Perú (Comité de Reorganización)

Fracción Roja del Partido Comunista de Chile

Organización Maoísta para la Reconstitución del Partido Comunista de Colombia

Núcleo Revolucionario para la Reconstitución del Partido Comunista de México

Comité Bandera Roja – Alemania

Comités para la Fundación del Partido Comunista (Maoísta), Austria

EE.UU. Guardias Rojos

Servir al Pueblo – Liga Comunista de Noruega

Colectivo Bandera Roja (Finlandia)

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

In defence of the life of Chairman Gonzalo,
hoist higher the flag of Maoism!

Finally now, listen to this. As we see in the world, Maoism is marching unstoppably to lead the new wave of world proletarian revolution. Listen well and understand! Those who have ears, use them. Those who have understanding - and we all have it - use it! Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these obscurities! Let us understand that! What is unfolding in the world? What do we need? We need Maoism to be embodied, and it is being embodied, and by generating Communist Parties it shall drive and lead this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution that is coming. (Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, Sep. 1992)

We, the signing Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations, reaffirm ourselves, in this solemn celebration of the 26th year of the historical and transcendental speech of Chairman Gonzalo, in its full validity and especially in defending the life of this Titan of Thought and Action, the Great Leader of the Communist Party of Peru and the Peruvian Revolution; who has defined Maoism as the new, third and superior stage of Marxism and who established, that to be a Marxist today is to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist. We understand that the defence of Chairman Gonzalo implies to struggle in the most consequent way to impose Maoism as the sole command and guide of the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution, which is already developing. We understand that this struggle is part of the task to reunite the communists of the world, which implies to put the principles of Marxism, the class interests of the international proletariat, the struggle for liberation of the oppressed peoples and nations, and in the end, the struggle for Communism, in the first place.

The campaign for the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the birth of the great Karl Marx – that was preceded by the celebration of the 50th Anniversary of the Great Proletarian Culutral Revolution and the 100th Anniversary of the October Revolution - has marked a leap in the struggle to unite the communists in the world. It is a campaign, principally propelled by the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations of Latin America, which is demonstrating a higher ideological, political and organizational unity of a significant part of the International Communist Movement (ICM) and in its development, new forces are joining. Since the campaign for the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Chairman Mao Tsetung, there was no similar campaign in the ICM. For no one to be confused: the campaigns to support the People’s Wars have obviously not been of the same character, as this is a campaign of Parties and Organizations with an explicit communist character – this fact calls for serious reflection, because it is an expression of how the struggle for unity is developed on practice, putting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, the struggle against revisionism and serving the world revolution as a starting point, in summary, how the slogan Unite under Maoism! Manifests.

It is also important to highlight, for everyone who is willing to see, that an important impulse in the ICM was given in the last years. In many countries where the communist forces were on a very underdeveloped stage, Parties and Organizations that uphold Marxism-Leninism-Maoism reemerged and who struggle to reconstitute their Communist Parties that were destroyed by revisionism. The majority of these forces took clear position for the definition of Maoism made by Chairman Gonzalo. This makes some people, aloof from any Marxist criteria, label them as “Gonzaloists” and impute the left to be “sectarian and dogmatic”. Apart from the obvious – that opportunism and revisionism have always branded Marxists this way – it reveals that they have not understood that we are in the period of struggle to impose Maoism as the sole command and guide of the Proletarian World Revolution and that when assuming Maoism as the third stage of development of the ideology of the international proletariat, many parties and organizations, in essence, have only seen it as changing one formulation, that to speak of Maoism was a “more modern” form to speak about Mao Tsetung Thought.

So the problem in the ICM is not principally rooted in that Maoism is not formally acknowledged, but how some understand it, and this is why it is important to start with who defined Maoism as the new, third and superior stage of our ideology; because it is only by starting from what was scientifically established by Chairman Gonzalo that we can understand Maoism as one unit, as one harmonic system. If one does not take the work of Chairman Gonzalo as a starting point, one falls into eclecticism, counterposing quotes but not understanding the ideas. If we understand this, we can understand the reason why there are not few Parties and Organizations that, while taking longer time, have become stuck and have not made leaps in their processes, while those who put the most effort into learning from Chairman Gonzalo are, in general, advancing principally in qualitative terms, but also in quantitative terms. We advice those who rush to give labels to open their eyes to the material truth instead of getting carried away by their imaginations.

If we see the real state of the struggle for the reunification of the communists in the world we can see that in many aspects we are much better off than we were during the best moments of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), because although the RIM was correctly characterized by Chairman Gonzalo as a “step forward”, he also pointed out - with his proper precision – that “as long as it follows a just and correct ideological-political line” the RIM will be a step forward, and it was, and it served to unite the communists on the basis of the red line and this could be no other than the line of Chairman Gonzalo. That is to say, the principal in the evaluation of the RIM is to state that it served the Proletarian World Revolution – and particularly the struggle to reunite the communists, while it served the struggle to impose Maoism as its sole command and guide - that is to say, the struggle which was led by Chairman Gonzalo - and that it ceased to play a positive role when the revisionists of the “RCP” from United States - taking advantage of the problematic situation of the left due to the bend in the People’s War in Peru – turned to totally hegemonize it. We must never forget that the unity is to serve the revolution and it only serves it, if the interest of the proletariat is imposed. The unity of the communists today in the world can only be achieved on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, or else it is not a unity of communists but a kind of “front” with revisionism and opportunism.    

RIM was liquidated by revisionism’s handling of the two-line struggle. The maneuver of Avakian was, to state - as a starting point of his “criticism” of the second Right Opportunist Line, revisionist and capitulationist, in Peru – that supposedly “the author would not matter, only the line”, which precisely led to centering the debate on who “the author” was. Or did this miserable not know that the communists of the world would rise when their Great Leadership was questioned? This is how the two-line struggle was derailed. The Problem for the left in the ICM was the hard and complex situation in which the PCP entered after the arrest of Chairman Gonzalo.

Despite everything, the PCP continued fulfilling its role as the Red Fraction in the ICM and the People’s War continued to be beacon and guide of PWR. Because the life of the party can never be detained and the People’s War was not stopped for even a moment. However, situations like the lack of the Great Leader caused problems in the left. The right could then state their positions (the attacks on the dictatorship of the proletariat, the “justification of peace negotiations as tactics”, the negation of semifeudality and evolution of bureaucratic capitalism, the negation of the three characteristics of imperialism, etc.) and all this remained in second place because the attention was centered on “debating” the maneuvers of the psychological warfare of imperialism and the sinister actions of traitors. Around the turning of the century, the struggle was sharpened. Then the left went into trouble and a great part fell into Avakian’s trap, the initiative fell into the hands of the right and they could lead the two-line struggle into exploding and thus revisionism liquidated the RIM.

No one can blame the Marxists for revisionism’s crimes, but this self-critical evaluation of the left is indeed necessary, its leadership lacked the necessary maturity and foresight to prevent the intrigues of revisionism, a problem that was extremely worsened by infiltration and usurpation of whole apparatuses by secret services and police of the reaction.

Prachanda has even formally renegated Marxism-Leninism-Maoism while uniting with the revisionists of UML, proving once again that he never was a Maoist, that he was never the “great leader” that those who wanted to negate what was put forward by Chairman Gonzalo and the PCP claimed so much, unmasking himself before the world as the most miserable upstart, trafficker and intriguer that has been seen in the last few decades in the ICM. This miserable can not be qualified as a traitor anymore because he has shown that in his whole life he was never a communist, but the only thing he was interested in was his personal power and this is why they have no choice but to call executioners of Nepalese revolution, such as the rats of UML, “comrades”.

Years have already passed since the gallant Avakian catapulted himself out of the ranks of the ICM.  His “new synthesis” is a rupture with Marxism, is an absolute demarcation with the ideology of the international proletariat, is an open and shameless negation of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Avakian, just like Alexander, proclaimed himself god, the difference is that the latter did so to maintain his empire and to control his new forces, while the former did it to maintain his small degenerated court and to be able to continue vegetating in the mud.

Although the revisionist positions of both - principally the one of Avakian, for being the head of the right - are still repercussing and the struggle against them can not be declared finished, due to the fact that both fled from the internal struggle in the ICM they can not be taken as the center of the two-line struggle. To state that the center of the struggle is to criticize those two miserables is to put forward the conciliation with revisionism and is to leave the empty field to the right.

The principal problem is not with those who have gone away, the renegades, but the ones that are part of the ICM. Yes, their poisonous line must be dismantled and crushed, but that must be done particularly to further unite on the base of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, with the contributions of universal validity of Chairman Gonzalo and this implies to debate the central points and particularly to achieve a generalized understanding of Maoism as a unit.

There are those that until now insist on spreading the counterrevolutionary hoax (that Chairman Gonzalo is the head of the opportunist, revisionist and capitulationist right opportunist line,).They argue with what was stated by traitors (“he told me” or “he embraced me” and other gossip), with what is controlled by imperialism and the psychological warfare of the reaction (“courts” and “filtered” videos). Anything that comes from whoever wants to throw mud at Chairman Gonzalo supposedly has to be taken very seriously, has to be “analyzed” and has to break our heads to enter into a discussion “whether or not it is him”. They are wrong, because they do not understand that “the debate” has already been closed, the communists have already taken a position and the matter is settled: It was demonstrated that Chairman Gonzalo has not denied the Party Unity Base of the PCP for a moment. He is the Great Leader of the Party and the revolution, the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist on the face of earth, keeping on struggling to transform the concentration camp of Callao Navy Base into the most Shining Trench of Combat of the People’s War.  What corresponds is to defend his life with People’s War. 26 years have already passed in which Chairman Gonzalo could not directly communicate with the Party or the ICM; 26 years of absolute isolation, this is what it concretely is. That imperialism, the reaction and revisionism will continue to plot intrigues is clear, the contrary would be that they have changed their nature (a thesis of the disciples of the sacred Avakian, which is impossible), but we must not allow that these intrigues stop the advance of the communists.

To be clear: We communists reaffirm ourselves in the principle of criticism and self-criticism and the seriousness of a Party that, as Lenin taught us, is measured by its capability to assume self-criticism. This is why we do not close the door to anyone, except to those who stained their hands with the blood of the masses. Hence, if those who committed grave mistakes and errors really want to correct themselves they are very welcome; for this they have to demonstrate their condition as communists and close ranks with the left, understand that to be a Great Leader you have to move more than your “close and dear ones”, that a proletarian Great Leader is not a ridiculous big shot but someone who knows how to lead the transformation of the world.

On this occasion of celebrating a new anniversary of the Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, we particularly want to greet the comrades from the Communist Party of Peru who are advancing through firm steps in the general reorganization of the Party, that is already approaching the days of its culmination; a process that is made in the midst of the People’s War, proven one again with the recent forceful actions of the People’s Liberation Army that maintains the People’s Committees and Base Areas. We communists of the world acknowledge the extraordinary role of the PCP and no one can doubt that the culmination of the reorganization of this Party will mean a significant impulse for the Proletarian World Revolution and will be a decisive piece in the struggle for the reunification of the ICM.

We must understand that what Chairman Gonzalo said on September 24, 1992, is being fulfilled: Maoism is being embodied by the peoples of the world, is generating Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Parties, is starting to lead the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution. What is up to us is to struggle for it to be further embodied, that the ongoing People’s Wars advance, that the People’s War is as soon as possible initiated in each country where there are Communist Parties, that the struggle for the reconstitution of the Parties in those countries were none of them exist gets propelled further, so that they become Parties to initiate the People’s War. Understanding Maoism as a unit, we will march with ever more clarity and firmness towards the reunification of the communists on world level, smashing imperialism, the reaction and revisionism, learning from Chairman Gonzalo.

Long live Chairman Gonzalo!
Unite under Maoism!
People’s War will inevitably win!

Signatures:

Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)

Peru People's Movement (Reorganisation Committee)

Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile

Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Columbia

Nucleus for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Mexico

Committee Red Flag – FRG

Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria

US Red Guards

Serve the People – Communist League of Norway

Red Flag Collective (Finland)