DEM VOLKE DIENEN
Dokumente
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We publish this declaration of the Communist Party of Peru, translations will be published in the imminent future:
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Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!
VIVA EL PRESIDENTE GONZALO Y SU TODOPODEROSO PENSAMIENTO, LUZ BRILLANTE Y ESTRUENDO MAOISTA
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We share this english translation of a declaration of the Front in Defense of the Struggles of the People - Ecuador:
On September 12, another anniversary of the capture of Chairman Gonzalo complied.
We cannot negate that it was a blow to the New Democratic Revolution in Peru, but it was also a blow to the international proletariat, however, although it is true the People's War in Peru had to live a necessary restructuring and change of pace in its development, in no way this became an absolute defeat of the People's War.
Like any scenario that is experiencing an alteration of its forces, its movement, the capture of Chairman Gonzalo generated situations in which revisionism and opportunism took advantage of the situation and try to dynamite the direction of the Party, the course of the People's War and try, in vain, to minimize or deny the contributions made by Chairman Gonzalo to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
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On occasion of today’s 27th anniversary of the arrest of the Chairman Chairman Gonzalo, the media outlet of the Irish Socialist Republican movement has published a salute towards the Communist Party of Peru and the ongoing People’s War in the country, which we hence forth document:
Free Chairman Gonzalo!
Abimael Guzman, better known to the world as Chairman Gonzalo, is the 84 year old imprisoned leader of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), the Peruvian Revolution and is currently serving two life sentences in Callo Naval Base, Peru, for his leadership of the Protracted People’s War in the Country throughout the 1980s and early 1990s.
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As was reported in various news sources in the end of last month / the beginning of this month, mayor parts of the FARC announced their return to arms in a video they published, after the peace agreements made after a referendum in 2016. Comrades from Ecuador, that shares a border with Colombia to the north, have published an important document on that matter, that has found widespread circulation in the ICM. In the following we document the (unofficial translation) of their statement.
The FARC: The return to arms
“Everything is illusory except power!”
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Again and again, we report on the situation in Afghanistan and it is more than clear that Afghanistan is not safe, neither for the occupiers and their henchmen nor for the people. That does not change the deportation practice of the FRG - they continuing to deportate diligently.
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Today marks the 80th Anniversary of the attack of Polen conducted by German imperialism with the fascists in power, with which they initiated on the 1st of September 1939 what would become the second imperialist World War. In the FRG this day is known as the "Anti War Day" used by various organisations to organize demonstrations and manifestation. Due to this occassion we publish the document "The historical experience of the war against fascism" of Renmin Ribao from 1965:
THE HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF THE WAR AGAINST FASCISM
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We share this article from comrades in Norway:
By a commentator for Tjen Folket Media
One of the contributors of Tjen Folket Media has written two articles on people’s war where they, under the signature of Ard Kinera, have engaged in a polemic with José Maria Sison. The debate touches on one of the most central questions of the two-line struggle in the international communist movement and Kinera as such goes right into it.
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- Category: Gonzalo
In view of the occasion we publish an exerpt from the Interview of the century on the question of the cult of the personality:
EL DIARIO: Chairman, moving on a bit, the documents of the Communist Party establish you as the Leader of the Party and the revolution. What does this imply, and how is it different from the revisionist theory of the cult of the personality?
CHAIRMAN GONZALO: Here we must remember how Lenin saw the relationship between the masses, classes, the Party and leaders. We believe that the revolution, the Party, our class, generate leaders, a group of leaders. It has been like this in every revolution. If we think, for instance, about the October Revolution, we have Lenin, Stalin, Sverdlov and a few others, a small group. Similarly, in the Chinese revolution there's also a small group of leaders: Chairman Mao Tsetung, and his comrades Kang Sheng, Chiang Ching, Chang Chun-chiao, among others. All revolutions are that way, including our own. We could not be an exception. Here it's not true that there is an exception to every rule because what we're talking about here is the operation of certain laws. All such processes have leaders, but they also have a leader who stands out above the rest or who leads the rest, in accordance with the conditions. Not all leaders can be viewed in exactly the same way. Marx is Marx, Lenin is Lenin, Chairman Mao is Chairman Mao. Each is unique, and no one is going to be just like them.
In our Party, revolution, and people's war, the proletariat, by a combination of necessity and historical chance, has brought forth a group of leaders. In Engels' view, it is necessity that generates leaders, and a top leader, but just who that is is determined by chance, by a set of specific conditions that come together at a particular place and time. In this way, in our case too, a Great Leadership has been generated. This was first acknowledged in the Party at the Expanded National Conference of 1979. But this question involves another basic question that can't be overlooked and needs to be emphasized: there is no Great Leadership that does not base itself on a body of thought, no matter what its level of development may be. The reason that a certain person has come to speak as the Leader of the Party and the revolution, as the resolutions state, has to do with necessity and historical chance and, obviously, with Gonzalo Thought. None of us knows what the revolution and the Party will call on us to do, and when a specific task arises the only thing to do is assume the responsibility.
We have been acting in accordance with Lenin's view, which is correct. The cult of personality is a revisionist formulation. Lenin had warned us of the problem of negating leadership just as he emphasized the need for our class, the Party and the revolution to promote our own leaders, and more than that, top leaders, and a Great Leadership. There's a difference here that is worth emphasizing. A leader is someone who occupies a certain position, whereas a top leader and Great Leadership, as we understand it, represent the acknowledgment of Party and revolutionary authority acquired and proven in the course of arduous struggle--those who in theory and practice have shown they are capable of leading and guiding us toward victory and the attainment of the ideals of our class.
Khrushchev raised the issue of the cult of personality to oppose comrade Stalin. But as we allknow, this was a pretext for attacking the dictatorship of the proletariat. Today, Gorbachev again raises the issue of the cult of personality, as did the Chinese revisionists Liu Shao-chi and Deng Xiaoping. It is therefore a revisionist thesis that in essence takes aim against the proletarian dictatorship and the Great Leadership and Great Leaders of the revolutionary process in order to cut off its head. In our case it aims specifically at robbing the people's war of its leadership. We do not yet have a dictatorship of the proletariat, but we do have a New Power that is developing in accordance with the norms of new democracy, the joint dictatorship of the workers, peasants and progressives. In our case they seek to rob this process of leadership, and the reactionaries and those who serve them know very well why they do this, because it is not easy to generate Great Leaders and Great Leadership. And a people's war, like the one in this country, needs Great Leaders and a Great Leadership, someone who represents the revolution and heads it, and a group capable of leading it uncompromisingly. In sum, the cult of the personality is a sinister revisionist formulation which has nothing to do with our concept of revolutionary leaders, which conforms with Leninism.
