As already reported, federal state elections in Hessen took place on October 8, 2023, in which especially the three parties that currently make up the German government had to record large losses of votes. An expression of the fact that by the society away the traffic light government is rejected by large parts of the population by the bank. Which one can see particularly if one reads off the actual election results on the basis the real numbers of all eligible voters and sees that only 22,52% of the possible voices fall on the traffic light parties altogether.
The government's crisis becomes particularly apparent when one looks at the fact that the SPD's top candidate for the Minister President of Hessen was none other than Federal Minister of the Interior Nancy Faeser, who in retrospect contributed to the SPD's poor performance with her candidacy rather than to its advantage. A fact that could have been explained beforehand, given Faeser's popularity ratings among the population. Another aspect of the weakness of the traffic light is the role that FDP has taken not only in the federal government, but also during the election campaign in Hesse. The FDP's top candidate, Stefan Naas, did not appear without reason as a self-proclaimed anti-al-Wazir, but pursued a line with his party as a kind of anti-amplification opposition directed in particular against the Greens. One strategy of the FDP could be to create space between its own party and the traffic light government, with the hope that the rejection of the federal government will not completely affect its own party. Also the flirting on the part of the FDP with the CDU to form a coalition, could be part of it that with a black-yellow state government in Hessen, to have a voice more in the Bundesrat, which puts the other parties of the federal government under pressure.
Under these conditions of the permanent crisis of the German government, among other things, explains why the CDU has become the winner of the elections in Hessen. Especially because it is the CDU and its leader Merz, who in recent months within the general reactionarization of the German state, in competition with the AfD from the opposition attacks the government from a reactionary point of view and thus in the general chauvinistic mood which is driven by bourgeois politics and bourgeois media, can score points with parts of the petty bourgeoisie and the working aristocracy who are afraid of slipping in the economic crisis. This phenomenon can also be observed on a smaller scale in the fact that over a hundred thousand people have given their vote to the independent voters and these could make up 0.5 percentage points.
In terms of the AfD, this election in Hessen is not a new quality leap. It merely confirms what has been apparent for months in polls and other elections and shows in the clearest terms that the strength of the AfD is not an East German phenomenon, but can only be regarded as particularly strong there.According to current polls, it would also be the second strongest party in a federal election.
On the question of the Left Party, here too, as in Bavaria, reality has shown that it is dying and is rightly being punished by the masses. It is far more interesting how Wagenknecht and her people will react to these developments in the near future.
As far as the formation of a government is concerned, exactly the scenario that was estimated in the last article on the Hessen elections has come to pass.The CDU will probably form a coalition with weak Greens or weak Social Democrats. The FDP can say of luck that it has made it into parliament. The question of the AfD will probably only be relevant in the elections in eastern Germany where, according to current surveys, it is the strongest force in several eastern German states.
At 65.6 percent, voter turnout was down 1.6 percent from the last state election. And this despite the polarization that was carried out in view of this election by the bourgeois media that it would once again be a very decisive election against the AfD. It is worth looking at the absolute numbers to understand the real dimensions of how little legitimacy the elections of the imperialists really have. Of the 6.2 million people in Hesse, 4.3 million are eligible to vote. Of these, a total of only 2.8 million people cast their vote. Means that millions of people not only express their rejection of the current governments, but simply have no confidence in this system.
In conclusion, even if the CDU is making gains and the role of the AfD is possibly changing and it is currently becoming the second strongest party, then within this crisis of the government and the crisis of parliamentarism as a whole, we see a movement where all representatives of bourgeois parties have to represent certain necessities of German imperialism, such as the implementation of the national industrial strategy, the crisis distribution on the backs of the masses and more and more advancing reactionarization. This coming together on these issues can also be seen, among other things, in the fact that the CDU has offered the government a "Germany Pact" several times and that the government leaders have not completely rejected it. For the unmasking of parliamentarism and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, this is a good example of how all bourgeois parties, without exception, represent the interests of the bourgeoisie, whether they are in government or in opposition.
As already reported, federal state elections in Hessen took place on October 8, 2023, in which especially the three parties that currently make up the German government had to record large losses of votes. An expression of the fact that by the society away the traffic light government is rejected by large parts of the population by the bank. Which one can see particularly if one reads off the actual election results on the basis the real numbers of all eligible voters and sees that only 22,52% of the possible voices fall on the traffic light parties altogether. (https://demvolkedienen.org/index.php/de/t-brd/8032-die-wahlen-in-hessen-und-bayern-eine-deftige-niederlage-der-bundesregierung)
Die Krise der Regierung kommt insbesondere zum Vorschein wenn man sich anguckt, dass die SPD-Spitzenkandidatin für den hessischen Ministerpräsidentenposten niemand anderes als Bundesinnenministerin Nancy Faeser war, die im nachhinein betracht mit ihrer Kandidatur eher zum schlechten Abschneiden der SPD beigetragen hat als zu ihrem Vorteil. Eine Tatsache die man sich auch hätte vorher erklären können, wenn man sich die Beliebtheitswerte Faesers in der Bevölkerung anschaut. Ein anderer Aspekt der Schwäche der Ampel ist die Rolle, welche FDP nicht nur im Bund, sondern auch während des Wahlkampfes in Hessen eingenommen hat. Der FDP-Spitzenkandidat Stefan Naas trat nicht ohne Grund als selbsternannter Anti-Al-Wazir auf, sondern verfolgte mit seiner Partei eine Linie als eine Art Anti-Ampel-Opposition die sich im besonderen gegen die Grünen richtet. Eine Strategie der FDP könnte es sein Raum zwischen der eigenen Partei und der Ampelregierung zu schaffen, mit der Hoffnung verbunden das die Ablehnung der Bundesregierung somit nicht vollkommen die eigene Partei trifft. Auch das liebäugeln seitens der FDP mit der CDU zu koalieren, könnte Teil davon sein mit einer Schwarz-Gelben Landesregierung in Hessen, eine Stimme mehr im Bundesrat zu haben, die die anderen Parteien der Bundesregierung unter Druck setzt.
Under these conditions of the permanent crisis of the German government, among other things, explains why the CDU has become the winner of the elections in Hessen. Especially because it is the CDU and its leader Merz, who in recent months within the general reactionarization of the German state, in competition with the AfD from the opposition attacks the government from a reactionary point of view and thus in the general chauvinistic mood which is driven by bourgeois politics and bourgeois media, can score points with parts of the petty bourgeoisie and the working aristocracy who are afraid of slipping in the economic crisis. This phenomenon can also be observed on a smaller scale in the fact that over a hundred thousand people have given their vote to the independent voters and these could make up 0.5 percentage points.
In terms of the AfD, this election in Hessen is not a new quality leap. It merely confirms what has been apparent for months in polls and other elections and shows in the clearest terms that the strength of the AfD is not an East German phenomenon, but can only be regarded as particularly strong there. According to current polls, it would also be the second strongest party in a federal election. (https://www.wahlrecht.de/umfragen/)
On the question of the Left Party, here too, as in Bavaria, reality has shown that it is dying and is rightly being punished by the masses. It is far more interesting how Wagenknecht and her people will react to these developments in the near future.
As far as the formation of a government is concerned, exactly the scenario that was estimated in the last article on the Hessen elections has come to pass(https://demvolkedienen.org/index.php/de/t-brd/8004-hessen-landtagswahlen-inmitten-der-krise). The CDU will probably form a coalition with weak Greens or weak Social Democrats. The FDP can say of luck that it has made it into parliament. The question of the AfD will probably only be relevant in the elections in eastern Germany where, according to current surveys, it is the strongest force in several eastern German states. (https://www.wahlrecht.de/umfragen/landtage/)
At 65.6 percent, voter turnout was down 1.6 percent from the last state election. And this despite the polarization that was carried out in view of this election by the bourgeois media that it would once again be a very decisive election against the AfD. It is worth looking at the absolute numbers to understand the real dimensions of how little legitimacy the elections of the imperialists really have. Of the 6.2 million people in Hesse, 4.3 million are eligible to vote. Of these, a total of only 2.8 million people cast their vote. Means that millions of people not only express their rejection of the current governments, but simply have no confidence in this system.
In conclusion, even if the CDU is making gains and the role of the AfD is possibly changing and it is currently becoming the second strongest party, then within this crisis of the government and the crisis of parliamentarism as a whole, we see a movement where all representatives of bourgeois parties have to represent certain necessities of German imperialism, such as the implementation of the national industrial strategy, the crisis distribution on the backs of the masses and more and more advancing reactionarization. This coming together on these issues can also be seen, among other things, in the fact that the CDU has offered the government a "Germany Pact" several times and that the government leaders have not completely rejected it. For the unmasking of parliamentarism and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, this is a good example of how all bourgeois parties, without exception, represent the interests of the bourgeoisie, whether they are in government or in opposition.
